Constructing ‘‘Packages’’
of Evidence-Based
Programs to Prevent Youth Violence: Processes and Illustrative Examples From the CDC’s
Youth Violence Prevention Centers
Beverly
Kingston1 • Martica Bacallao2 •
Paul Smokowski3 • Terri Sullivan4 • Kevin Sutherland4
© The Author(s)
2016. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com
Abstract This
paper describes the strategic efforts of six National Centers of Excellence in
Youth Violence Prevention (YVPC), funded by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention, to work in partnership with local communities to create
comprehensive evidence-based program packages to prevent youth violence. Key
components of a comprehensive evidence-based approach are defined and examples
are provided from a variety of community settings (rural and urban) across the nation that illustrate attempts to
respond to the unique needs of the communities while maintaining a focus on
evidence-based programming and practices. At each YVPC site, the process of
selecting prevention and intervention programs addressed the following factors:
(1) community capacity, (2) researcher and community roles in selecting
programs, (3) use of data in decision-making related to program selection, and
(4) reach, resources, and dosage. We describe systemic barriers to these
efforts, lessons learned, and opportunities for policy and practice. Although
adopting an evidence-based comprehensive approach requires significant upfront
resources and investment, it offers great potential for preventing youth
violence and promoting the successful development of children, families and
communities.
Keywords Violence
prevention · Evidence-based
programs · Comprehensive
approach · Community-academic
partnerships
1 Center for
the Study and Prevention of Violence, Institute of Behavioral Science, University of Colorado Boulder,
1440 15th Street, Boulder, CO 80302, USA
2 University of
Kansas, Lawrence, KS, USA
3 University of
North Carolina Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC,
USA
4 Virginia
Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, USA
Background
Introduction
Preventing and reducing the risk for youth violence
remains a significant challenge for communities across the country. National
statistics for homicide and violence- related behaviors, school violence, and
bullying underscore that youth violence is a significant public health concern
in the United States. In 2011, homicide victims included approximately 4500
youth ages 15–24, and homicide was the third leading cause of death among youth
ages 15–24 after unintentional injuries and suicide (CDC, 2014).
The 2013 Youth Risk Behavior Survey indicated that among high school students,
24.7 % reported being in a physical fight one or more times in the past year,
and 8.1 % reported being in a physical fight that occurred on school grounds at
least once in the 12 months before being surveyed (Kann, Kinchen, &
Shanklin, 2014). Prevalence rates for bullying behaviors
are also of concern. Nansel et al. (2001)
found 29.9 % of surveyed students in the United States reported involvement in
bullying situations. Across the United States, bullying victimization rates
range from 10 to 28 % (Eaton et al., 2012;
Robers, Kemp, & Truman, 2013; Wang, Iannotti,
& Nansel, 2009). In addition, one in 14 youth
reported missing school at least 1 day in the past 30 days because they were
concerned about safety at school or when traveling to school or back home (Kann et al., 2014).
Negative outcomes of youth violence
include not only the risk of serious physical
injury or death but also struggles in psychosocial adjustment and academic
achievement, which may adversely impact future career possibilities and
relation- ships (Bradshaw, O’Brennan, & McNeely, 2008). A
growing body of literature highlights the cumulative risk for harmful outcomes
attributed to youths’ exposure to multiple types of victimization and adversity
(Dodge, Greenberg, & Malone, 2008). For example,
researchers have consistently found that multiple adversities in childhood are
associated with an increased risk for psychiatric and behavioral problems in
childhood, adolescence, and adulthood compared to non-exposed individuals or to
those exposed to fewer types of victimization (Copeland, Keeler, Angold, &
Costello, 2007; Felitti et al., 1998;
Pynoos, Steinberg, Schreiber, & Brymer, 2006).
While there is agreement within the
research community that comprehensive approaches using evidence-based programs
to reduce the risk for youth violence are needed (Gottfredson, 2001; Jenson & Fraser, 2011),
there are few descriptions of what these types of approaches might look like,
not to mention how researchers might partner with communities to identify and
implement prevention programs that
are well-grounded in theory, have empirical evidence of effectiveness, and meet
unique community needs. This paper describes the strategic efforts of six
National Centers of Excellence in Youth Violence Prevention (YVPC) to select
and integrate comprehensive evidence-based program packages to prevent youth
violence in their respective communities. Each community was identified based
on its high prevalence rates of youth violence, and all selected communities (5
urban and 1 rural) were in low-income areas across the nation. Sites presented
a variety of data
on the prevalence of youth violence within the selected
communities to justify their inclusion. Another requirement of this CDC YVPC
initiative was to include a package of evidence-based programs that were
directed both toward universal (e.g., delivered to all youth in a population
such as a school) and toward populations at high risk for youth violence
perpetration. Each site identified prevention programs based on community needs
within these guidelines and collected the types of data and specific measures
that were most relevant to document potential changes in youth violence
perpetration and associated risk and protective factors driven by these
prevention efforts (see Matjasko, Massetti, & Bacon, 2016, the
introduction to this issue, for additional information about site selection).
Each YVPC site aimed to develop an evidence-based program package that was
responsive to the specific needs
of the community or communities it
served.
What Is an Evidence-Based Comprehensive Approach?
Comprehensive prevention and intervention strategies
that make use of the best scientific findings about effective programs and
implementation methods to address multiple aspects of a child’s family, peer,
school, and community life from early childhood through adolescence will likely
have the greatest impact on youth violence at the greatest savings in cost
(Coalition for Evidence Based Policy, 2014;
Washington State Institute for Public Policy, 2014).
For the YVPCs, evidence of effectiveness was defined as at least one
publication in a peer-reviewed journal using randomized or rigorous
quasi-experimental designs with matched control groups. National
recommendations for addressing youth violence and other problem behaviors
advocate using a coordinated, comprehensive approach to reduce risk factors and
to enhance protective factors at the individual, family, peer, school and
community levels (Ridgeway, 2014). Research shows that
many of the same risk factors are associated with a wide range of adolescent
problem behaviors (e.g., substance abuse, delinquency, teen pregnancy, school
dropout, violence, and depression and anxiety) suggesting that targeted risk
reduction can affect a broad set of
outcomes simultaneously (Herrenkohl, Aisenberg, Williams, & Jenson, 2011).
A comprehensive approach includes
complementary components that are designed to work at multiple levels of the
social context (e.g., individual, family, peer, school, community) to address
the risk and protective factors that impact violence and other problem
behaviors. Some of the strongest risk factors predicting violence and other
problem behaviors include early and persistent problem behavior (e.g., early
involvement in serious offenses and substance use by children under age 12),
deviant peer relationships, and parental influences such as lack of parental
warmth and inconsistent parental monitoring (Dodge et al., 2008; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001). Since the levels of these risk and protective factors
vary by community, it is important that communities use a data-driven process
to understand and prioritize their unique needs (Hawkins et al., 2009) Examination of community needs may also entail
identifying and building upon evidence-based prevention programs that are
already in place and being imple- mented with fidelity.
Additionally, designing a
comprehensive approach involves ensuring that adequate exposure to the
prevention components is provided to a large enough number of people to have
the level of saturation necessary to achieve the desired preventive effects. By
including program components that are provided universally (e.g., delivered to
all youth, regardless of risk) as well as components that are focused on
subgroups of youth or families at elevated risk, the likelihood of
community-wide reductions in youth violence and other problem behaviors is
increased. For example, universal interventions can create a strong foundation
for early and more intensive interventions to succeed, while intensive
interventions can reduce peer contagion influences that may undermine the
impact of universal and early interventions (Osher, Dwyer, & Jimerson, 2006).
Ideally, communities will utilize
evidence-based programs and strategies to support their comprehensive approach.
There is a rich and growing body of
evidence demonstrating that certain programs and practices are
effective, both for preventing the onset of problem behaviors and for
successfully intervening with youth exhibiting problem behaviors (Greenwood, 2006; Institute of Medicine, 2008;
Sherman, Farrington, Welsh, & MacKenzi, 2002).
Examples of programs that meet the highest standards of effectiveness can be
found on several registries of evidence-
based programs (i.e., Blueprints for Healthy Youth Development, 2015a, b; Coalition for Evidence
Based Policy, 2015; Office of Justice Programs’ CrimeSo-
lutions.gov [list of effective programs], 2015).
Several models of comprehensive
community approaches that advocate using evidence-based programs matched to
community needs have been developed and tested (Hawkins et al., 2009; Redmond et al., 2009).
These approaches emphasize decision-making by the local community, often in
partnership with researchers. For example, Communities That Care is a
prevention system that aims to reduce elevated risks, enhance protection,
promote healthy youth development and prevent adolescent problem behavior
community-wide (Hawkins, Catalano, & Arthur, 2002).
It provides a community-level collaborative model for using data to select and
implement evidence-based programs based on local needs. The PROSPER partnership
model is an evidence-based delivery system for community-based prevention that
is designed to decrease adolescent problem behavior in rural and semi-rural
communities by utilizing existing systems to deliver evidence-based prevention
programs (Spoth, Greenberg, Bierman, & Redmond, 2004).
Developers of these comprehensive
systems advocate for integrating community and practitioner perspectives with
those of prevention science (Fagan, Hanson, Hawkins, & Arthur, 2009; Spoth & Greenberg, 2011).
This requires an understanding of both the barriers and the infrastructures
necessary to support practitioners and researchers collaborating to translate
science into prevention practice (Saul et al., 2008).
Next we provide an overview of some common barriers to adopting an
evidence-based comprehensive approach at the community level. This is followed
by an overview of key considerations based in implementation science for
matching comprehensive packages of evidence-based youth violence prevention and
intervention programs with community
needs.
Although the federal government has been taking steps to
support an evidence- based comprehensive approach, most community-based youth
violence prevention efforts fund programs that have not been evaluated, and
some communities are still implementing programs that are proven ineffective
and even harmful (e.g., Scared Straight and Boot Camps; Elliott, 2013). To illustrate, estimates suggest that evidence-based
prevention programs are implemented in only about 10 % of agencies within child
public service systems (e.g., child welfare, juvenile justice, mental health)
in the United States (Hoagwood & Olin, 2002),
and school-based estimates of evidence-based prevention program implementation
are even lower (U.S. Department of Education, 2011).
For example, the U.S. Department of Education’s evaluation on the use of
evidence-based programs in prevention of substance abuse and school crime
reported that only 7.8 % of school programs were research based. Of these
research-based programs, only 44 % met standards of effective implementation.
This low implementation quality is particularly concern- ing as program
fidelity has been linked to positive outcomes (Durlak, 2010;
Durlak & DuPre, 2008; Gottfredson & Gottfredson, 2002; Wilson, Lipsey, & Derzon, 2003).
Several overarching systemic barriers
affect the successful adoption of an evidence-based comprehensive approach.
First, communities and schools often struggle to understand what it means for a
program to be defined as ‘‘evidence-
based.’’ While the term is now widely used, the actual level of evidence
required for certification varies from informal satisfaction surveys, to single
studies with non- experimental designs, to multiple randomized control design
studies (Elliott, 2013; Tolan, 2014).
Adding to this confusion is the fact that there is currently little consensus
within the research and practice communities about the scientific standard that
should be used to certify an individual program as effective or evidence-based
(Elliott, 2013). Depending on the source, the standard
varies from any positive effect from any type of study, to consistent positive
effects from multiple randomized control trials.
Helping communities to understand
that evidence of program effectiveness can be viewed on a continuum can be a
useful way to address this confusion and build community capacity to support
quality evaluation processes. For example, at the highest end of the continuum
of evidence are programs that have been subjected to one or more randomized
control trials, with effects sustained for at least 1 year after the program
ends, and with replications that show the same positive effects—these programs
are experimentally proven. Programs that have some evidence of effectiveness
(e.g., single group pre-post test designs) fall towards the lower end of the
continuum. These programs provide some evidence of effectiveness but they lack
an appropriate comparison group and evidence of a causal effect (Blueprints for Healthy Youth Development, 2015a, b). At the other end of
the continuum, there are programs
that have strong evidence demonstrating that they are ineffective and even
harmful (Puddy & Wilkins, 2011).
Second, communities and schools often
lack the resources, capacity and infrastructure to implement an evidence-based
comprehensive approach (Catalano
et al., 2012). Communities and
schools are not empty vessels eagerly awaiting the selection and implementation
of a package of evidence-based programs. Rather, they are usually overflowing
and overwhelmed by their independent organizational mandates and full schedules
(Dishion, 2011). They often have competing agendas due to
a lack of integration among individual programs and across multiple systems
(e.g., education, law enforcement, juvenile justice, mental health and human
services). An unintentional fragmented approach to the prevention of problem
behaviors seems to underlie this issue (Saul et al., 2008).
For example, in many communities there are individual programs and
organizations focused on drug prevention, violence prevention, pregnancy
prevention, school dropout prevention, truancy prevention, and positive youth
development. Consequently, communities and schools are left with a long list of
what they need to accomplish but no map concerning how to integrate these
approaches into a realistic and effective overall strategy.
This suggests a third systemic
barrier to an evidence-based comprehensive approach—communities and schools
often struggle to understand how a package of evidence-based programs can fit
together to create a strategic, sustainable,
evidence- based comprehensive approach. They are challenged with:
collecting and using data to make decisions about program selection and impact;
achieving consensus on the prioritized problems and the solutions; how to implement the programs with fidelity;
how to create a hospitable environment for evidence-based programs to survive;
and, when this approach involves multiple sectors and agencies (e.g., community
and school), who has the authority and responsibility for ensuring its success
(Mihalic & Irwin, 2003; Saul et al., 2008).
Considerations for Matching
Comprehensive Packages of Evidence-Based
Youth Violence Prevention and Intervention Programs With Community Needs
Fortunately, the emerging field of implementation
science is helping researchers and
communities to understand what is needed to effectively implement and bring
comprehensive packages of evidence-based interventions to scale (Aarons, Hurl-
burt, & Horwitz, 2011; Damschroder et al., 2009). Effective implementation is now recognized as an active
process that can be done intentionally, studied in practice, and supported by
funders and governments. Implementation science provides a critical roadmap to
guide communities in the adoption, effective and efficient implementation, and
sustainability of evidence-based programs (Kelly & Perkins, 2012).
Program selection and adoption is a
foundational stage in this process. Careful, purposeful work to match youth
violence prevention and intervention programs
with community needs establishes a foundation for successful programs
(Hawkins, 1999). The selection and adoption of
evidence-based programs involve consider- ation of a variety of factors,
including the characteristics of both the program and the community where it
will be implemented, taking into account aspects such as the cultural and
developmental relevance of the program, risk and protective factors
associated
with the target community, and the capacity or readiness for the community to support
the program (Sullivan et al., in
press).
Assessing community capacity or
readiness takes into account all of the factors specified above and considers
the broader social, economic, cultural, political, and policy contexts that may
support or inhibit the success of a community in implementing a comprehensive
approach to violence prevention and intervention. The degree of readiness or
capacity within organizations (e.g., schools and community agencies) to
effectively deliver prevention programs proves critical to implementation
success. This includes both (a) innovation-specific capacity, or the fit between
prevention programs and organizations’ day to day operations, priorities, and goals, and organizational
buy-in as determined by the allocation of time, staff, and resources needed for
effective program implementation (Flaspohler, Duffy, Wandersman, Stillman,
& Maras, 2008); and (b) general organizational capacity,
or the extent to which the organization’s infrastructure, climate and
leadership fit with and support the prevention program (Flaspohler et al., 2008).
All organizations exist within a
shifting ecology of social, economic, cultural, political, and policy
environments that disparately and simultaneously enable and impede
implementation and program operation efforts at the individual, community,
state, and federal levels. Ideally, an enabling context exists that actively
aligns federal and state efforts to support local comprehensive prevention
initiatives. Some states (e.g., Pennsylvania and Washington) have built
innovative state level prevention support systems to facilitate the adoption,
implementation and sustain- ability of evidence-based programs by providing
funding and technical assistance to build local capacity and research
demonstrating outcomes and cost savings (Rhoades, Bumbarger, & Moore, 2012; Washington State Institute of Public Policy, 2014). These examples suggest that careful attention needs to
be paid to creating readiness in attitudes, skills, and infrastructure at all
levels before putting evidence- based programs into place.
Community capacity building expert
Tony Karbo (2014) identifies key approaches to
capacity building across multiple societal levels that can be applied to the effective implementation of
evidence-based program packages that we describe here. He states that ‘‘All capacity-building activities must be
anchored on a set of principles that will ensure and sustain trust and
cooperation between those bringing in capacity programs and the intended
beneficiaries’’ (Karbo, 2014, p. 21). Local
communities are significant actors in preventing youth violence. However,
creating an enabling context for violence prevention and intervention programs
to thrive also involves coordination and alignment of capacity building
interventions across organizational, community, state, and national efforts
(Bursik & Grasmick, 1993). Achieving this
alignment is a continuous long-term process and commitment that requires
outside partners to focus on what communities truly need, and to ensure
participation, inclusivity, and transparency in the process.
Given the intricacies of building
community capacity for readiness, it is no surprise that studies of the
adoption of evidence-based prevention programs in organizational contexts
(e.g., schools and community agencies) suggest that the process is complex,
organic, and messy (Greenhalgh, Macfarlane, Bate, & Kyriakidou, 2004). The complexity of this process is magnified when
selecting
and implementing comprehensive evidence-based program
packages. This is an adaptive challenge, which by nature is complex, since the
answer is not known. Even were it known, no single entity has the resources or
authority to bring about the necessary change. In these cases, reaching an
effective solution requires learning
by all the stakeholders involved in solving the problem. Often these
stakeholders are challenged with
changing their own individual and organizational policies, programs and practices in order to create
truly effective solutions (Kania
& Kramer, 2011). Next we describe how researchers and communities
worked together to overcome some of
these adaptive challenges to develop comprehensive evidence-based program
packages to prevent youth violence.
Illustrative Examples From the Youth
Violence Prevention Centers (YVPCs)
This section provides an overview and illustrative case
examples of the main factors that were addressed in the adaptive challenge of
matching an evidence-based comprehensive youth violence prevention approach
with community needs across six CDC-funded YVPCs. At each YVPC site, the
process of selecting prevention and intervention programs represented a
partnership between researchers and community members that addressed the
following factors: (1) community
capacity,
(2) researcher and community roles in selecting
programs, (3) using data in decision-making related to program selection, and
(4) reach, resources, and dosage along with the consideration of the synergy
between the prevention programs and their additive contributions in addressing
youth violence within each community.
Six YVPCs went through elaborate
partnership processes in identifying and selecting programs for their
comprehensive packages to reduce youth violence. Table 1 displays summary information on each of the YVPCs.
These Centers are located in universities in disparate areas across the United
States: Chicago, IL, Ann Arbor, MI, Richmond, VA, Boulder, CO, Baltimore, MD,
and Chapel Hill, NC. Community partners were located in the same city (Chicago,
Baltimore, Richmond), a nearby area
(Flint, MI) or an area some distance from the university centers (Montbello
community in Denver, CO; Robeson County, NC). The target communities were
diverse in demographics; five out of six partnered with inner city neighborhoods in large metropolitan
areas (Chicago, Baltimore, Denver) and smaller cities (Flint, MI, Richmond,
VA). The North Carolina Center partnered with a rural county. All of the
partner communities were coping with high levels of poverty, unemployment, and crime.
Minority residents were strongly represented by large proportions of African
Americans, Latinos, and American Indians (in the rural NC county).
Community Capacity
At the beginning of the funding period, community
capacity varied across the YVPCs and was an important consideration in the
development of comprehensive evidence-based packages. One YVPC partnered with a moderate to high capacity
Chicago
Center for Youth Violence Prevention
University
of Michigan Youth Violence Prevention Center
Virginia
Commonwealth University Clark-Hill Institute for Positive Youth Development
University
of Colorado Boulder (CU-Boulder) Youth Violence Prevention Center
Johns
Hopkins Center for the Prevention of
Youth Violence
UNC-Chapel
Hill: North Carolina Academic Center for Excellence in Youth Violence
Prevention
Target community
Key
demographics
Community capacity/ readiness for implementation
Humboldt Park neighborhood in west Chicago, Illinois
N = 37,000
Urban. High poverty and crime
Predominately African American and Latino
Capacity moderate;
1 program was already occurring; community connections in
schools; capacity for 1 program needed to be developed
Durant-Tuuri-Mott neighborhood
in Flint, Michigan
N = 9355
Urban. High poverty and crime.
Predominately African American
Capacity moderate to high; 3 out of 6 programs already had evidence, community connections
Three communities in Richmond, Virginia defined by middle
school attendance zones
N = 43,130
Urban. High poverty and crime. Predominately African American
and Latino
Capacity low to moderate; none of the programs were
occurring; University had a long history of working with schools; few community
programs
Montbello community in Denver, Colorado
N = 30,000
Urban. High poverty and crime.
Predominately
African American and Latino
Capacity low to moderate; 2 non- profit organizations and
Mayor’s Office strong initial partners
Lower Park Heights community in Baltimore
N = 12,000
Urban. High poverty and crime.
Predominately
African American
Capacity
moderate; University had a long history of working with the community on
violence prevention
Robeson County, NC. Near border of North and South Carolina
N = 124,000
Rural. High poverty and crime. Large Native American
population
Capacity low; none of the programs selected were already
occurring
|
Table 1 continued
|
|
|||||
|
|
Chicago Center
for
|
University of
|
Virginia
Commonwealth
|
University of
|
Johns Hopkins
Center
|
UNC-Chapel Hill:
|
|
|
Youth Violence
|
Michigan Youth
|
University Clark-Hill
Institute
|
Colorado Boulder
|
for the Prevention of
|
North Carolina
|
|
|
Prevention
|
Violence
|
for Positive Youth
|
(CU-Boulder)
|
Youth Violence
|
Academic Center
|
|
|
|
Prevention Center
|
Development
|
Youth Violence
|
|
for Excellence in
|
|
|
|
|
|
Prevention Center
|
|
Youth Violence
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Prevention
|
|
Researcher and
|
School and
community
|
Researchers
|
Programs were
selected in
|
The research
team
|
Community
partners
|
Researchers
created
|
|
community
|
partners worked
with
|
presented a draft
|
collaboration with the
|
provided
training
|
approached
|
a menu of
|
|
role in
|
researchers to
develop
|
program matrix
|
community based upon a
|
and support to
|
researchers about
|
evidenced-based
|
|
selecting
|
a youth violence
|
and plan to the
|
needs assessment that
|
use the
|
using Safe Streets
|
programs for
|
|
programs
|
prevention plan that
|
community for
|
included a review of
|
Communities
|
to address
violence;
|
community to
|
|
|
expanded existing
|
feedback. The
|
existing programs and gaps
|
That Care model;
|
also the
community
|
choose from.
|
programs
(Cease Fire), addressed the need for family interventions, and to create a
package of programs that included universal prevention programs and selective
programs targeting youth at high risk
research
team has a strong history with the
community and the selected.
Final
decision on program selection was made by the research team but included community input
within the
school system. Evidence demonstrating program effectiveness was also a
consideration in selection
Community
partners determined the top risk and protective factors, criteria for program
selection, and selected programs based on their criteria from the Blueprints
for Healthy Youth Development evidence-based program list
emphasized
need for jobs training to be included in their program package. At the school
level, a gap in selected and indicated services was identified.
Researchers
met with school administrators to identify evidence- based programs that would fit well
Community
gave program recommendations but some did not fit with research demand
|
Table 1 continued
|
|
|||||
|
|
Chicago Center
for
|
University of
|
Virginia
Commonwealth
|
University of
|
Johns Hopkins
Center
|
UNC-Chapel Hill:
|
|
|
Youth Violence
|
Michigan Youth
|
University Clark-Hill
Institute
|
Colorado Boulder
|
for the Prevention of
|
North Carolina
|
|
|
Prevention
|
Violence
|
for Positive Youth
|
(CU-Boulder)
|
Youth Violence
|
Academic Center
|
|
|
|
Prevention Center
|
Development
|
Youth Violence
|
|
for Excellence in
|
|
|
|
|
|
Prevention Center
|
|
Youth Violence
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Prevention
|
|
Data used in
|
Crime data
|
Crime data.
Census
|
Surveillance
data. Census
|
Crime data.
|
Crime data.
School
|
Crime data. Kids
|
Comprehensive package
components
Census data
Evidence from program evaluation
CeaseFire
(Community)
CeaseFire High School (School/Community)
SAFE children (1st Grade) (School/Family)
GREAT Families (6th grade) (School/Family)
data.
Community Survey. Evidence from program evaluation
Youth Empowerment Solutions
(Individual)
Fathers and Sons (Relationship)
Clean & Green/ Adopt- a-Lot (Community)
ED Brief Intervention
Mentoring
Community
Mobilization
(Community
Policing), crime prevention strategies
data.
School and community youth violence data.
Community
needs assessment
Olweus Bullying Prevention Program (School)
After school youth leadership program (YES: School)
Staying Connected with your Teen (Family)
Parenting Wisely (Spanish: Family)
Community
and school surveys
PATHS (Elem.
School) Positive Family
Support
(Middle
School/Family) Strengthening
Families
10–14
(Family/
Community)
Safe2Tell (School/ Community
Positive Recognition Campaign (School/ Community)
data
Safe Streets (Community)
Positive Behavior Interventions and Supports (School)
Middle school Coping Power (School)
Count data from Annie. E. Casey Foundation
School Success Profile assessment (School)
Positive Action (Middle School)
Teen Court (Community)
Parenting Wisely (Family)
Chicago
Center for Youth Violence Prevention
University
of Michigan Youth Violence Prevention Center
Virginia
Commonwealth University Clark-Hill Institute for Positive Youth Development
University
of Colorado Boulder (CU-Boulder) Youth Violence Prevention Center
Johns
Hopkins Center for the Prevention of
Youth Violence
UNC-Chapel
Hill: North Carolina Academic Center for Excellence in Youth Violence
Prevention
Selection barriers No barriers in selection.
Some
programs had already started in the community (Cease Fire) and others had been
successfully implemented previously in Chicago Public Schools (GREAT Families)
No
barriers in selection. Several programs were developed in target community. Had
to modify community policing because of low capacity in police department
A
barrier was the lack of evidence-based programs available to choose from that
were designed to meet the specific needs of our target population. Original
plan to include community components was hampered by lack of infrastructure
within the community
Initially building trust between researchers and community;
community volunteers have limited time
High turnover of policy makers, school administrators, and
service providers
Difficult to maintain consistent supports when kids move to
different neighborhoods that don’t have the programs
Distance to target community
Strong insider/ outsider mentality in community
Competing demands, lack of support, in schools
community; two YVPCs worked with communities with
moderate levels of capacity; two YVPCs target communities were low to moderate;
and one YVPC collaborated with a low capacity community. The level of community
capacity influenced partnership development and the role of the academic partner.
In moderate to high capacity
communities (i.e., partners in Chicago, Flint, and Baltimore), intervention
programs were already present and may have been functioning for years. In
Chicago, the Cease Fire program had functioned for a decade in the city. A
community plan for youth violence prevention was already developed, and school
leaders had a history of partnering with the University of Chicago. Similarly,
University of Michigan researchers had longstanding ties with their community
partners and had evidence supporting three out of six interventions that would
be included in their comprehensive approach. Even though existing interventions
had not been previously integrated into a comprehensive package, the process of
packaging evidence-based programs was much more straightforward in moderate to
high capacity communities with experienced partners. In these contexts, packaging largely meant
bringing together existing resources into a coherent new system. Partners were
motivated and had already initiated planning. The YVPCs added new resources to
support, organize, and evaluate current efforts. They also added new programs
that would complement the existing ones, creating a comprehensive approach. The
moderate to high community capacity greatly facilitated the speed and
efficiency with which the comprehensive approach could be designed and implemented.
In contrast, partnerships in lower
capacity communities struggled more in the beginning because of the dearth of
existing resources, disorganization, and lack of pre-planning. Interventions
were not already present in the community that could be easily packaged and
expanded to serve a greater number of community members. Schools were investing
their energy elsewhere and, in some cases, were wary of outsiders asking to
conduct research. There was an additional need to form trust with partners who
did not have previous relationships with the YVPC universities. Forming
trustworthy relationships was necessary, but slowed down the planning process.
In Denver, researchers following the Communities That Care strategic planning
process spent 18 months building capacity and creating readiness before program
implementation could begin. In some cases, such as Richmond, variability in community
capacity was found with high levels of capacity and long-standing partnerships
in some areas (i.e., with the city school district) that facilitated selection and implementation of
evidence-based prevention efforts in schools but with lower levels of community
capacity in other areas (e.g., the infrastructure necessary to support
community-based programs).
Researcher/Community Roles in Selecting Programs
In the spirit of academic-community partnership, YVPC
researchers always worked in collaboration with community partners.
Collaborative roles, however, are not always equal; in some cases the community
partners led and in other situations, researchers led the process. The
overarching goal for the partnership was to sift through evidence
of what works,
identify and align
programs with community
needs, and ultimately create a coherent, systemic
framework for the new initiative. For example, researchers from Johns Hopkins
Center for the Prevention of Youth Violence supported programs the community
requested. A strong community non- profit had convened community meetings,
resulting in a request for Safe Streets/ Cure Violence with a focus on jobs to
be included in the comprehensive package. Schools were already implementing
Positive Behavioral Interventions and Supports (PBIS); however, a gap in selected
and indicated services was identified. Researchers met with school
administrators to identify programs that would fit well. This is an example of a moderate
capacity community prioritizing programs and leading the process. University of
Michigan researchers similarly worked with partners who chose existing programs
that met the evidence-based criteria required by CDC. Researchers presented the
overall matrix with supplementary programs added. Due to the long history
of collaboration, the novelty offered
by the researcher partners lay in bringing the existing programs into a
comprehensive initiative.
Low capacity communities needed more
leadership from research partners to guide them through the selection of
evidence-based programs. While still collaborative, researchers were more
directive in these circumstances. For example, the University of Colorado
Boulder (CU-Boulder) team provided training and support to use the Communities
That Care model. They guided the process by
(a) working in partnership with the community to create
and train a community and key leader advisory board to oversee the initiative
and (b) providing data to the boards about community risk factors and
evidence-based programs using the Blueprints for Healthy Youth Development Program
list as the menu (Blueprints for Healthy Youth Development, 2015a, b). However, the community
developed a set of criteria and made the final decision about the selection of
programs that fit their local needs and context. North Carolina researchers
similarly led community partners through an examination of needs assessments
collected from middle school students. They presented a menu of evidence-based
program options to community stakeholders. The resulting package after
extensive discussions included a well- known model program, a family
intervention that had substantial evidence of effectiveness, and a teen court
program that community members had previously implemented and wanted
to improve.
Using Data in Decision-Making Related to Program Selection
All of the YVPCs used some type of data to inform
program selection and placement. Use of crime and census data was common across
sites for identifying community hot spots in need of intervention. A variety of
data sources (e.g., school and community surveys, child and family well-being
data) were used to determine malleable risk and protective factors for youth
violence at various socio-ecological levels within each community (e.g.,
individual, family, peer, school, and neighbor- hood). Data that assessed problem
behaviors, as well as risk and protective factors, strengthened each site’s
ability to ensure that the selection of evidence-based prevention programs fit
community needs (Catalano et al., 2012). Prioritized
risk and protective factors were matched with potential evidence-based programs
that
addressed
these factors based on level of need (i.e., universal vs. high-risk
populations) and developmental, cultural, and contextual relevance.
The types of data used and the
processes for using data in program selection varied across the YVPCs. Needs
assessments were used by YVPCs that needed extra structure, organization, and
new information to inform their program selection process. Virginia
Commonwealth University researchers had a long history of working with the
Richmond schools on program implementation, but found that infrastructure was
sparser within broader community settings. They completed a community needs
assessment in Richmond that suggested that youth, parents, and service
providers lacked knowledge of available youth programs, supports and resources.
This new information was utilized in crafting their youth violence prevention
initiative. Additionally, researchers working with their targeted communities
for the first time tended to have less specific information, increasing the
need to conduct needs assessments and to use community-level models of
decision-making that begin with needs and gaps analyses. For example, Denver
used the Communities That Care prevention system (Fagan, Arthur, Hanson,
Briney, & Hawkins, 2011; Hawkins, 1999) to identify key risk and
protective factors and develop strong relationships with community
partners. Researchers from
CU-Boulder collected baseline data using community household surveys (youth and
parent) and a school survey and led partners from the Denver neighborhood
through a process to prioritize the top three to five risk and protective
factors in the schools and in the community. In North Carolina an extensive
survey was conducted, randomly sampling 40 % of middle school students in the
target community and comparing their responses to a full census of middle
school students in the comparison county (total sample exceeded 4500
adolescents). These needs assessments allowed the partnership teams to balance
evidence-based programming with specific community needs.
Several sites had worked
within their target communities for a number of years and had strong, ongoing relationships with community partners
(Chicago, Flint, Michigan, and
Baltimore). Many of these sites had existing data (e.g., qualitative studies of
risk and protective factors, surveillance data, needs assessments) and prior input from community partners that informed
their selection of evidence-based programs.
Community conversations had already identified key needs and there were
histories of evidence-based programs already targeting key risk factors. These higher capacity sites could thus skip the
identification of needs and expedite program selection based on existing
activities. They concentrated on bringing extant programs together into a
comprehensive initiative and making sure there was a good fit among intervention components. However, all
sites are using assessment data to measure the impact over time of the
comprehensive program packages on youth violence
and other problem behaviors (Farrell, Henry, Bradshaw, & Reischl, 2016). Along with
needs assessment data unique to the target communities, partnership teams also focused on identifying programs
with past evidence of program effectiveness. This information was drawn from
national archives, such as Blueprints
for Healthy Youth Development or SAMHSA’s National Registry of Evidence-Based Programs and Practices
(NREPP; Blueprints for Healthy Youth Development,
2015a, b; SAMHSA’s NREPP, 2015). If community members
asked
for a favored program to be included in the initiative,
it was incumbent upon researchers to examine the effectiveness data on that
program and to share these assessments with community partners. In higher
capacity sites, the researchers and community partners may have generated
evidence of program effectiveness from past activities. There was less reliance
on national program archives. This allowed the partners to efficiently move
through program selection and launch the initiative faster. They were also able
to concentrate attention on the fit among different program components.
Reach, Resources, and
Dosage
In addition to risk factor identification and program
selection, YVPCs had to deal with reach, resources, and dosage in planning
their youth violence prevention packages. The term reach refers to the number
of people served by the package’s programs. YVPC teams had to balance how to
make the greatest impact in their target communities with the available
resources or funding and the planned dosage or intensity of the initiative.
This calculation was different for each YVPC site. Sites working with inner city neighborhoods were highly
concentrated in a relatively small area across several census tracts, police
beats, or school catchment zones. Concentrating an intensive intervention
program like Cease Fire or Safe Streets within a few neighborhood blocks
maximized the program dosage in these neighborhoods. The catchment area often
had two or three schools to work with. At the other extreme, the rural county
in North Carolina was 925 square miles with 13 middle schools to serve. Having
adequate program reach across such a large area impacts program dosage and uses
a great deal of resources. Assuming that funding levels were fixed, important
decisions needed to be made concerning how to make an impact that would
significantly benefit the community, including which participants to target in
order to accomplish this and at what intensity for program dosage. Readiness
and capacity for implementation played greatly into these decisions across the
sites. This balance between reach, resources, and dosage influenced the
development of program packages and their
implementation.
The six YVPCs also considered the
potential synergistic and additive nature of prevention and intervention
programs (Domitrovich et al., 2010). Within a
comprehensive approach to youth violence prevention, multiple interventions
were often needed within one context (e.g., family, school, or neighborhood) or
across several contexts to effectively address a set of risk and protective
factors related to youth violence (Nation et al., 2003).
Using data driven approaches and theory to guide the selection process, the
YVPCs selected a combination of prevention and intervention programs that had
the broadest range and scope based on available resources to address the risk
and protective factors for youth violence within a specific community
(Domitrovich et al., 2010). This involved the prioritization of
community needs and in some cases the ability to leverage or build upon
existing programs and capacity in determining the final package of
prevention programs.
Another synergistic effect of this
approach is its potential for a broad impact on multiple problem behaviors and
positive youth development. Since these programs address the
underlying risk and
protective factors that predict
multiple problem
behaviors, the programs selected are likely to also
affect outcomes beyond youth violence (e.g., substance use, pregnancy
prevention, school dropout, mental health). In fact, some of the evidence-based
programs selected in the program packages support the acquisition of underlying
master skills (e.g., social-emotional learning core competencies) considered
necessary for successful human development (Elias et al., 1997;
Jones & Bouffard, 2012; Osher et al., 2007). Recognition of this helped to unify partners across
sectors (e.g., schools, law enforcement, mental health, juvenile justice) to
support this comprehensive approach.
Resulting Comprehensive Program Packages
Each YVPC worked through the processes articulated above
(assessing community capacity, delineating researcher and partner roles, using
data in decision-making, balancing reach, dosage and resources) to construct a
comprehensive youth violence prevention initiative. The final programs included
in each YVPC package are shown in
Table 1. The packages were organized to target
multiple ecological levels (e.g., individual, family, peers, school, and
neighborhood) and universal and high-risk components. The final packages were a
comprehensive mix of programs that balanced evidence of effectiveness that the
researchers advocated for and programs requested by community partners tailored
to meet each community’s specific needs.
Discussion
Barriers, Lessons Learned and Opportunities for Policy and Practice
As demonstrated in the examples discussed above,
academic-community partner- ships effectively supported the selection of
comprehensive evidence-based program packages that were both grounded in
research and responsive to individualized community needs.
Overall, the YVPCs are building a
sustainable infrastructure for prevention of violence and problem behaviors at
the community level–providing concrete examples for integrating community and
practitioner perspectives with prevention science (Fagan, Hanson, Hawkins,
& Arthur, 2009; Spoth & Greenberg, 2011). This front-end work of careful program selection also
establishes an infrastructure for implementation with fidelity and for
sustainability (Cooper, Bumbarger, & Moore, 2015).
Although each of the six YVPCs varies in many ways, common barriers, lessons
learned, and opportunities for policy and practice have emerged across the
sites that demonstrate how to translate prevention science into community
practice to develop and implement comprehensive packages of evidence-based
youth violence prevention and intervention programs matched to community needs (Saul
et al., 2008).
First, researchers played a critical
role in providing data, resources, and technical assistance to help communities
prioritize their prevention and intervention needs and to select a package of
evidence-based programs that fit their specific context. Researchers have access to critical research
knowledge (i.e., academic
databases,
archives, statistical interpretations) that is not
easily accessible at the community level. Researchers can inform and provide
support for data-driven decision making at this level. This includes providing
surveillance data and support in how to understand and prioritize community
youth violence prevention needs (Masho, Schoeny, Webster & Sigel, 2016). Additionally, at the community level, there is much
confusion around the meaning of evidence-based programs and how to evaluate
local programs. Community members want programs in their community that will
produce desired results. Researchers can play a key role in supporting
communities to accomplish what they want to achieve by providing technical
assistance that builds community capacity to make good decisions in program
selection. However, to truly be sustainable, the prioritization and ownership
of the initiative must ultimately lie within the community. The
researcher-community relationship worked best when there was a mutual
understanding that the final decisions on evidence-based program selection
would involve a partnership that promoted community knowledge and ended in the
selection of evidence-based prevention and intervention programs that best met
community needs. Understand- ing and responding to the local context and needs,
while providing guidance on what research shows is effective, were common practices
across all six sites.
Second, there is no quick way to
select comprehensive packages of evidence- based programs. The sites that were
able to select their program packages at a faster rate had been working with
the community for approximately 10 years. These communities already had
developed trusting relationships with their academic institution. In all six
sites, trust has been built between the researchers and community and the
relationship has moved from insider–outsider to a mutually beneficial
partnership. Getting to this place required listening and honoring community
needs, following through on promises, building capacity for evaluation at the
community level, and finding ways to make things easier on already taxed
systems.
Barriers to smooth program selection
and implementation always arise,
especially in fashioning complex program packages for large scale
implementation. Some YVPCs had to eliminate or scale back program
implementation ideas because of low capacity in police departments, limited
time and competing demands for community partners, high turnover of service
providers and policy makers, lack of support, or lack of evidence-based
programs available to choose from that were designed to meet the specific needs of the target population. Not all the barriers were based in the community. In Year 3,
funding levels were reduced for the YVPCs, necessitating a re-evaluation of how
limited resources would be used in each site. Universities often work on
different schedules compared to communities, making these institutions less
nimble in responding to day-to-day turbulence. It can take months to get a new
budget item approved by university administration and the funder. Each of these
obstacles required creative problem solving and negotiation. These barriers
were minimized in all the sites by choosing programs that were already started
or very important to the community. Being a true partner with the community
also means helping out with various community needs: supporting existing
community events, and selecting community members for key roles in leading the
youth violence prevention programs whenever
possible.
Third, capacity building
for prevention is a long-term process. As demonstrated across the YVPCs, the process of building capacity must be flexible
in addressing the needs of the
community by meeting them at their stage in the developmental process.
Therefore, the national approach to supporting these efforts should not be inconsistent or fragmented. Staying the
course for the long-term is critical for building
trust, organizational learning, and effective implementation. Long-term academic-community partnerships can
facilitate building linkages at the local, state and federal levels to align
resources to support identified community needs. Ideally, strategic
academic-community partnerships should last over the course of decades. It is important to note that each community
selected as part of this project demonstrated high rates of youth violence and
was situated in a low-income area. Communities in these areas may face a myriad
of stressors that contribute to high levels
of youth violence. Some communities also had low levels of capacity for the prevention
efforts, which necessitated considerable time spent in developing readiness prior to the implementation of
these programs. Thus, the experiences described
in initiating prevention programs for the selected communities may not
generalize to communities with higher levels of socio-economic status.
Conclusion
There continues to be a significant gap between what is
known to be effective in preventing and addressing youth violence (e.g., a
comprehensive evidence-based approach) and what programs and strategies are
actually implemented. To achieve the public health impact that has been
demonstrated to be possible in randomized trials, this gap must be narrowed.
This paper provides concrete examples of six YVPCs across the nation actively
closing the gap between science and the practice of prevention by selecting, implementing,
and evaluating comprehensive packages of evidence-based programs. The
development of model comprehensive systems to move these evidence-based program
packages toward population health improve- ment is still in its infancy.
However, the lessons learned across the six YVPCs provide suggestions and
examples for researchers, policy makers, practitioners, and other community
partners that can make this approach easier to apply in other communities.
Careful program selection grounded in
research, but tailored to each commu- nity’s specific needs, is foundational to
the success of a comprehensive evidence- based approach. Communities and
schools often struggle to understand how a package of evidence-based programs
can fit together to prevent youth violence and other problem behaviors.
Researchers can play a critical role in providing data, resources, and
technical assistance. However, these data become particularly meaningful when
data are vetted and viewed through the lens of local community members since
they know what programs will fit and flourish within their local context.
As this article suggests, the process
of selecting comprehensive evidence-based program packages is complex, organic,
and messy and challenges always occur. Although there is no one-size-fits-all
approach, there are some key ingredients for
successful collaborations. Trust between the researchers
and the community is essential and requires a continuous long-term process that
requires researchers to focus on what communities truly need and to ensure
participation, inclusivity and transparency (Karbo, 2014).
For the six YVPCs, this has resulted in a learning environment that is mutually
beneficial to both the researchers and community partners. Researchers respond
to the local context and needs, while providing guidance on what research shows
to be effective to prevent violence. Communities learn how to use their local
data to make decisions on program selection and implementation and receive much
needed funding and infrastructure
support.
There are no shortcuts to this work.
Strategic academic-community partnerships to create and implement comprehensive
evidence-based program packages to prevent youth violence take time and
significant investment to build trust, to allow time to demonstrate
community-level outcomes, and to ensure sustainability. While shifting to an
evidence-based comprehensive approach requires considerable change and resources, it offers the
greatest potential to prevent youth violence and collectively impact the
successful development of children, families, and communities.
Acknowledgments The
activities described in this article were supported by the National Centers of
Excellence in Youth Violence Prevention. This program is funded by the Centers
for Disease Control and
Prevention’s Division of Violence Prevention under Funding Opportunity
Announcement CE10-004, Cooperative Agreement Program for the National Academic
Centers of Excellence in Youth Violence Prevention. Academic institutions
funded under this program include: the University of Chicago (5U01- CE001949);
the University of Michigan (5U01-CE001957); the University of North Carolina at
Chapel Hill (5U01-CE001948); Virginia Commonwealth University (5U01-CE001956);
Johns Hopkins Univer- sity (5U01-CE001954); and the University of Colorado
Boulder (5U01-CE001986). The opinions expressed by authors contributing to this
article do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the U.S. Department of
Health and Human Services, the Public Health Service, the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, or the authors’ affiliated institutions.
Compliance With
Ethical Standards
Conflict of
Interest The
authors declare they have no conflict of interest.
Open
Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative
Commons Attribution 4.0 Inter- national License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/),
which permits unrestricted use, distribu- tion, and reproduction in any medium,
provided you give appropriate credit
to the original author(s) and the
source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes
were made.
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